|
Ready4
|
<p>Three robots, Q, R, and L, which eject water independently and simultaneously, each at a characteristic, constant rate, can fill a pool in 10 minutes. How long does it take Robot Q, working alone at its constant rate, to fill that pool with water?p>
- Machines R and L can fill the pool in 20 minutes.
- Machines Q and L can fill the pool in 15 minutes.
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>The numbers t, u, v, w, and x are five consecutive even integers in increasing order. What is the average (arithmetic mean) of these five numbers?p>
- The average (arithmetic mean) of u and v is 121.
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>A chemical spill in Oak City that took place in February tainted the drinking water of nearby communities. Some scientists claim that, because underground aquifers are interconnected, more distant water supplies are also at risk of contamination. This claim is not undermined by the fact that a careful study of the regional water table that same month detected no increase in contaminant levels beyond the immediate vicinity of Oak City, because _______.p>
|
|
GWD
|
The author uses the comparisons to porcelain and putty in order to
|
|
Ready4
|
<p> p>
<p>In the coordinate system above, if , is the area of region ABC greater than 12?p>
- The coordinates of point B are (4,-3).
- The coordinates of point C are (0,-7.5)
|
|
PREP07 Test 1
|
 In the figure above, points P and Q lie on the circle with center O. What is the value of s ?
|
|
|
Harvey teaches a certain number of biology students in 2 classes, K and L. He can divide the students in class K into 7 groups of n students each. He can divide the students in class L into 6 groups of p students each with 1 student left over. How many students are in class L ?(1) n = p(2) There are 5 more students in class K than in class L.
|
|
Ready4
|
<p> p><p>What is the circumference of the circle above with center  ?p>
<p>(1) The perimeter of  is  .p>
<p>(2) The length of arc  is  .p>
<p>p>
|
|
OG21 OG2022
|
The profit P, in dollars, for any given month at a certain company is defined by P = I - C, where I represents total income, in dollars, and C represents total costs, in dollars, for the month. For each of the first 4 months of the year, C = I + 32,000; and for each of the next 3 months, I = C + 36,000. If I = C + 10,000 for each of the 5 remaining months of the year, what was the company's total profit for the 12-month year?
|
|
PREP07 Test 2
|
 If p, q, r, and s are as shown on the number line above, which of the following products is greatest?
|
|
|
A rectangular circuit board is designed to have width w inches, perimeter p inches, and area k square Inches. Which of the following equations must be true?
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>What is the value of integer ?p>
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>At a store, a is the range of the prices of the items in Group A, and b is the range of the prices of the items in Group B. If each of the items in Group A is also in Group B, is b greater than a?p>
- Group A contains 21 items.
- Group B contains 22 items.
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>If money is invested at  percent interest, compounded annually, the amount of the investment will double in approximately  years. If $7,500 is invested in an account that pays 5 percent interest, compounded annually, how many years will it take for the value of the investment to be 4 times its initial value?p>
|
|
C13
|
<p class="ng-scope"> Linguists have offered two explanations describing the origins of language among human populations. Because the use of language is universal among ethno-cultural groups and distinct from any communicative capacity developed elsewhere in the animal kingdom, both explanations assert that the biological evolution of the human organism has exerted some influence on the development of language.p>
<p class="ng-scope"> Proponents of explanation A, or the “continuity theory,” take issue with the suggestion that the development of language occurred fairly suddenly in the course of human evolution. Observations have shown that non-human animals communicate, even in surprisingly complex ways, within kin groups and across species. Human language is incredibly complex and it is difficult to assert that such a complex system could have developed without a long series of evolutionary iterations. Thus it is useful to consider the communication methods of other organisms as analogues to the possible stages of human linguistic development. Scientists have also suggested that human communicative capacities are evolutionary adaptations similar to echolocation among bats or stereopsis among lesser primates: unique abilities particular to the human organism but nonetheless the product of long-form evolutionary processes.p>
<p class="ng-scope"> However, explanation A is not uncontroversial. Critics point out that human language far outstrips the complexity of any known animal communication mechanism and that, therefore, any hypothesis emphasizing iterative development is of limited explanatory utility. They argue that any evolutionary development as unprecedented as human language must have a comparably unprecedented explanation. They support explanation B, “the discontinuity theory,” which can be understood in multiple ways.p>
<p class="ng-scope"> Language, some proponents of explanation B argue, requires an advanced cognitive capacity that pre-human primates (hominids) did not possess. Modern humans achieved language function through the relatively abrupt development of advanced brain anatomy, the “language organ.” This development is supposedly the result of a significant mutation within the human genome. Sudden mutations often have negative effects, making this instance all the more peculiar. Another understanding of the “discontinuity theory” suggests the sudden development of language among human populations is due to a social revolution among early human communities. Even if early human populations had already developed the capacity for language, it went undeveloped until social and cultural factors demanded otherwise. Early human communities can be compared to naturally talented basketball players whose skills go unrecognized until they're scouted by a perceptive coach.p>
|
|
C13
|
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> A recent trend lauds the supposedly obvious benefits of locally produced diets and of urban agriculture in particular. These benefits, they say, offer antidotes to pollution, poverty, and illness, and many advocates are urging cities to take action to encourage the growth of food farming in small urban spaces in order to introduce more locally produced food into the market.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> To evaluate these proposals, it is helpful to compare the claims with facts. A central idea of urban agriculturists is that the transportation of non-local food creates pollution. In fact, transportation constitutes a minute percentage of the agricultural sector's greenhouse gas emissions, and the production inefficiencies inherent in farming on small plots could easily erase gains made in transportation. Large rural farms transport production workers and equipment much more efficiently. Moreover, mode of transportation affects the carbon footprint of a meal. The shipment of food over long distances by train or tractor-trailer often consumes less fuel than does transportation more locally using smaller vehicles.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> For urban planners, land use is potentially the most contentious aspect of urban agriculture. Sunlit spaces, especially in the largest and most densely populated cities, often come at a premium. Given the limits on yields and profit margins for food agriculture, costs and benefits must be weighed against those of other businesses in terms of job creation, aesthetic value (since agriculture is a messy business), and scalability (local food's high price limits the market and raises the possibility of saturation). Limited space may be better utilized by housing or retail outlets than by urban gardening.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> It is obvious that there is not enough data on urban agriculture to justify implementation of agriculture-promoting policies within the limits of the largest cities. Many faddish environmental projects in the last two centuries have failed to live up to their promises and subsequently waned, and so might the urban agriculture movement. Meanwhile, the many urban farms currently in operation will have the chance to defy such cynicism, and city governments would do well to allocate resources to those that do.p>
|
|
Ready4
|
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> A recent trend lauds the supposedly obvious benefits of locally produced diets and of urban agriculture in particular. These benefits, they say, offer antidotes to pollution, poverty, and illness, and many advocates are urging cities to take action to encourage the growth of food farming in small urban spaces in order to introduce more locally produced food into the market.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> To evaluate these proposals, it is helpful to compare the claims with facts. A central idea of urban agriculturists is that the transportation of non-local food creates pollution. In fact, transportation constitutes a minute percentage of the agricultural sector's greenhouse gas emissions, and the production inefficiencies inherent in farming on small plots could easily erase gains made in transportation. Large rural farms transport production workers and equipment much more efficiently. Moreover, mode of transportation affects the carbon footprint of a meal. The shipment of food over long distances by train or tractor-trailer often consumes less fuel than does transportation more locally using smaller vehicles.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> For urban planners, land use is potentially the most contentious aspect of urban agriculture. Sunlit spaces, especially in the largest and most densely populated cities, often come at a premium. Given the limits on yields and profit margins for food agriculture, costs and benefits must be weighed against those of other businesses in terms of job creation, aesthetic value (since agriculture is a messy business), and scalability (local food's high price limits the market and raises the possibility of saturation). Limited space may be better utilized by housing or retail outlets than by urban gardening.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> It is obvious that there is not enough data on urban agriculture to justify implementation of agriculture-promoting policies within the limits of the largest cities. Many faddish environmental projects in the last two centuries have failed to live up to their promises and subsequently waned, and so might the urban agriculture movement. Meanwhile, the many urban farms currently in operation will have the chance to defy such cynicism, and city governments would do well to allocate resources to those that do.p>
|
|
Ready4
|
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> Bernard Winkler's analysis of the effect of the industrialization of England on the conduct of British foreign policy through the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is a major contribution to a scholarly debate pitting two separate schools of historical thought against each other: the school of economic determinism and the school of ideological determinism.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> Winkler makes the assertion that economic and technological developments play a decisive role in military mobilization and logistical organization. Stated more simply, economic development makes extensive foreign interventions inevitable by making them simpler. Winkler implies this phenomenon has been obfuscated by a recent fondness on the part of historians for ideological explanations, of which George Nguyen's is a representative example. For Nguyen, the economic possibility of a foreign action is insignificant compared to ethnic, religious, or socio-political motivations for pursuing a course of action abroad. Economic development is construed as a mere facilitator of extant international grievances and desires such as border disputes, enmity between competing religious sects, and long-term foreign policy goals. This contention represents a significant trend in academic historiography, and it is known as ideological determinism.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> Ideological determinists entrench themselves by embracing a mistaken interpretation of economic determinism: for example, economic determinists are supposed to contend that economic development is responsible for all the various subtleties of foreign policy implementation. The alternative to ideological determinism, to say it another way, is to see economics as coextensive with society, as being responsible for even the most minor variations in social phenomena.p>
<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> Winkler undermines the misrepresentations of the ideological determinists by means both conceptual and concrete. Conceptually, he defines “economic causes” according to the interactions of industrialization with extant political and sociological realities. Descriptions of sociological and political phenomena as wholly divorced from economic factors are untenable because a state can hardly feed its armies on ideas alone. On a more concrete level, Winkler shows that rapid advances in economic production opened new vistas for political interpretation, religious expression, international relations, and the organization of armies. Some developments Winkler attributes to the ways politicians and bodies politic reacted to the new realities of industrialization, whereas others are attributed to industrialization itself. Therefore, Winkler responds to the question: “When are economic causes decisive and when are the interpretations of changing economic realities more significant?”p>
|
|
Ready4
|
<p>While on a straight road, Car C and Car D are traveling at different constant rates. If Car C is now 10 miles behind Car D, how many minutes from now will Car C be 20 miles behind Car D?p>
- Car C is traveling at 30 miles per hour and Car D is traveling at 40 miles per hour.
- Thirty minutes ago, Car C was 5 miles behind Car D.
|
|
Ready4
|
<p dir="ltr" id="docs-internal-guid-76a63f7b-8a66-7574-0869-2f121d938960">A deck of 52 red cards contain 26 blank cards and 26 cards each with a letter from A to Z. A deck of 65 blue cards contain 39 blank cards and 26 cards each with a letter from A to Z. If one red card and one blue card are selected at random, what is the probability that both cards will have the same letter?p>
|