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C13

<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> In 1905, the Supreme Court of the United States decided on the case Lochner v. New York, and in doing so overturned the Bakeshop Act, which limited the number of hours that a baker could work per day to ten. The Court ruled that the Act removed a person's right to enter freely into contracts, which it construed as provided for by the Fourteenth

Amendment. The Court had previously determined through multiple rulings that the Due Process Clause, found in both the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, was not merely a procedural guarantee, but also a substantive limitation on the type of control the government may exercise over individuals.

Lochner set a precedent against the established federal and state laws regulating working hours and wages. For example, in Adkins v. Children's Hospital, in 1923, the Court ruled that federal minimum wage legislation for women was an unconstitutional infringement of liberty of contract, as protected by due process. Some subsequent development of human rights evolved on the basis of Lochner; for example, Adkins was a significant point in the women's rights movement in the U.S., as the legislature and justice department for decades debated whether to establish absolute equality of women or provide only special protections and regulations for them. Nevertheless, the Court overturned Adkins and undermined Lochner in deciding West Coast Hotel v. Parrish, in 1937. That ruling repudiated the idea that freedom of contract should be unrestricted and echoed, after the fact, the dissenting opinion of Justice Holmes in Adkins that there were plenty of constraints on contract, such as that against usury. At the time of West Coast Hotel, whose outcome hinged on an unexpected shift in the habits of Associate Justice Roberts, the dissenting Justice Sutherland was critical of the prospect that the interpretation of the Constitution reflected in the decision had been colored by contemporary events—ostensibly, the pressures placed upon workers by the circumstances of the ongoing Great Depression. Time has evidently judged this criticism to have been incorrect, since, while Lochner influenced a ruling whose imprint still remains, individual freedom of contract is not exempt from reasonable laws to protect worker health and safety. p>

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<p class="ng-scope" zoompage-fontsize="14"> In 1905, the Supreme Court of the United States decided on the case Lochner v. New York, and in doing so overturned the Bakeshop Act, which limited the number of hours that a baker could work per day to ten. The Court ruled that the Act removed a person's right to enter freely into contracts, which it construed as provided for by the Fourteenth

Amendment. The Court had previously determined through multiple rulings that the Due Process Clause, found in both the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, was not merely a procedural guarantee, but also a substantive limitation on the type of control the government may exercise over individuals.

Lochner set a precedent against the established federal and state laws regulating working hours and wages. For example, in Adkins v. Children's Hospital, in 1923, the Court ruled that federal minimum wage legislation for women was an unconstitutional infringement of liberty of contract, as protected by due process. Some subsequent development of human rights evolved on the basis of Lochner; for example, Adkins was a significant point in the women's rights movement in the U.S., as the legislature and justice department for decades debated whether to establish absolute equality of women or provide only special protections and regulations for them. Nevertheless, the Court overturned Adkins and undermined Lochner in deciding West Coast Hotel v. Parrish, in 1937. That ruling repudiated the idea that freedom of contract should be unrestricted and echoed, after the fact, the dissenting opinion of Justice Holmes in Adkins that there were plenty of constraints on contract, such as that against usury. At the time of West Coast Hotel, whose outcome hinged on an unexpected shift in the habits of Associate Justice Roberts, the dissenting Justice Sutherland was critical of the prospect that the interpretation of the Constitution reflected in the decision had been colored by contemporary events—ostensibly, the pressures placed upon workers by the circumstances of the ongoing Great Depression. Time has evidently judged this criticism to have been incorrect, since, while Lochner influenced a ruling whose imprint still remains, individual freedom of contract is not exempt from reasonable laws to protect worker health and safety. p>

C13

<p class="ng-scope"> The study of climate change has established retreating glaciers and rising global temperatures from a number of data sources. Establishing the influence of mankind upon these effects has been more difficult, because the climate is subject to oscillations that are much longer in duration than our record of direct temperature measurements, which extends back only about 150 years. By drilling and conducting chemical and physical studies of ice cores on six of the seven continents, scientists have developed a method of estimating climatic information that had previously been thought inaccessible. Ice cores removed from the earth's crust and studied in order to draw such inferences are termed paleo-proxies. The values of various climatic variables at a particular time and place can be inferred through some form of proxy analysis in a given ice core sample. For example, deuterium excess indicates humidity levels, electrical conductivity indicates volcanic activity, beryllium levels indicate solar activity, and particle size and concentration indicate wind speeds. Temperature, in particular, can be inferred from the ratios of water molecules composed of stable isotopes of oxygen and hydrogen, namely 1H2H16O and 1H218O. Because molecules consisting of these isotopes have slightly different weights than their more common counterparts, their concentration in the ice core in a given epoch depends on the condensation temperature prevailing at the time. This technique enables scientists to estimate the air temperature of condensation when the snow fell and establish variations in temperature over a series of multiple samples. One advantage of using ice cores as a paleo-proxy is that ice core samples can be extracted from across the world using different drilling techniques, for analysis either on-site or in a laboratory, with results that can be compared to each other and stitched into a coherent global picture. The primary sources of ice cores are the ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland, whose thickness allows scientists to extract long cores representing time spans of up to 100,000 or even 400,000 years. Nevertheless, samples representing spans of multiple centuries have been extracted more recently at low latitudes--for example, at Mt. Kilimanjaro, in the Andes Mountains, and on the Himalayan plateau. Depending on the objectives of the project and the nature of the ice core, scientists use a variety of types of drill ranging from hand-powered auger drill to electro-mechanical drills. A limitation of using ice cores is that they represent data for conditions during snowfall only. Periods bereft of snowfall will fail to leave a record in the ice and can even disrupt the essential step of dating the samples. To mitigate this problem, multiple cores are typically extracted from nearby locations. A more critical limitation of the ice core method, one indicative of the larger problem at hand, is that as ice fields continue to retreat, the ability to measure in some locations will disappear entirely. p>

C13

<p class="ng-scope"> In the realm of the psychology of decision-making, the role of expert intuition is under attack. People's inclination is to trust intuition and to point to many examples, across various disciplines, in which experts are able to make difficult judgments in seemingly negligible amounts of time. But this trust of intuition has been undermined by the research of other psychologists who have taken care to expose and document thoroughly the cognitive biases that can impede both our use of intuition and our ability to judge the use of intuition in a broader sense. How, then, can we know when expert intuition is to be trusted? Gary Klein's research has provided a basis on which to establish how expert intuition, also known as naturalistic decision making, works at its best, which it does according to a recognition-primed decision model. One of his studies examined the thought process of experienced fireground commanders, the leaders of firefighter teams. One finding was that fireground commanders do not only consider a small number of options in deciding how to approach a firefighting situation; they tend to consider only one option. When presented with a situation, the commander was observed to think of one option spontaneously and then mentally simulate acting on that proposed course of action to see whether it would work. More specifically, Klein formulated the recognition-primed decision model as occurring in two steps. In the first step, a tentative plan comes to the mind of the expert by an automatic function of associative memory; the situation provides one or more clues recognized by the expert. Second, the plan is mentally simulated to see whether it will work. When, then, can expert intuition be tested? Klein's model implies that the successful application of expert intuition will be limited to circumstances in which situational clues are reproduced and can be recognized over time. Situational regularity and individual memory are critical components of success. Reliable intuition is primarily — and, arguably, nothing more than — recognition. By this somewhat controversial inference, intuition is essentially memory. Consequently, all cases in which we might anticipate expert intuition to be valid are not equally conquerable by this faculty. Some environments may not be sufficiently regular to be predictable, and, of course, even in regular environments, the presumed expert must draw on a sufficient depth of practice. We can conclude, for example, that if a dedicated stock picker is to make judgments as skilled as those of a dedicated chess player, that person will do so not by relying primarily on intuition. One might note that, with or without intuition, it is incumbent on any true expert to know the limits of his or her knowledge. p>

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<p class="ng-scope"> The study of climate change has established retreating glaciers and rising global temperatures from a number of data sources. Establishing the influence of mankind upon these effects has been more difficult, because the climate is subject to oscillations that are much longer in duration than our record of direct temperature measurements, which extends back only about 150 years. By drilling and conducting chemical and physical studies of ice cores on six of the seven continents, scientists have developed a method of estimating climatic information that had previously been thought inaccessible. Ice cores removed from the earth's crust and studied in order to draw such inferences are termed paleo-proxies. The values of various climatic variables at a particular time and place can be inferred through some form of proxy analysis in a given ice core sample. For example, deuterium excess indicates humidity levels, electrical conductivity indicates volcanic activity, beryllium levels indicate solar activity, and particle size and concentration indicate wind speeds. Temperature, in particular, can be inferred from the ratios of water molecules composed of stable isotopes of oxygen and hydrogen, namely 1H2H16O and 1H218O. Because molecules consisting of these isotopes have slightly different weights than their more common counterparts, their concentration in the ice core in a given epoch depends on the condensation temperature prevailing at the time. This technique enables scientists to estimate the air temperature of condensation when the snow fell and establish variations in temperature over a series of multiple samples. One advantage of using ice cores as a paleo-proxy is that ice core samples can be extracted from across the world using different drilling techniques, for analysis either on-site or in a laboratory, with results that can be compared to each other and stitched into a coherent global picture. The primary sources of ice cores are the ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland, whose thickness allows scientists to extract long cores representing time spans of up to 100,000 or even 400,000 years. Nevertheless, samples representing spans of multiple centuries have been extracted more recently at low latitudes--for example, at Mt. Kilimanjaro, in the Andes Mountains, and on the Himalayan plateau. Depending on the objectives of the project and the nature of the ice core, scientists use a variety of types of drill ranging from hand-powered auger drill to electro-mechanical drills. A limitation of using ice cores is that they represent data for conditions during snowfall only. Periods bereft of snowfall will fail to leave a record in the ice and can even disrupt the essential step of dating the samples. To mitigate this problem, multiple cores are typically extracted from nearby locations. A more critical limitation of the ice core method, one indicative of the larger problem at hand, is that as ice fields continue to retreat, the ability to measure in some locations will disappear entirely. p>

Ready4

<p class="ng-scope"> In the realm of the psychology of decision-making, the role of expert intuition is under attack. People's inclination is to trust intuition and to point to many examples, across various disciplines, in which experts are able to make difficult judgments in seemingly negligible amounts of time. But this trust of intuition has been undermined by the research of other psychologists who have taken care to expose and document thoroughly the cognitive biases that can impede both our use of intuition and our ability to judge the use of intuition in a broader sense. How, then, can we know when expert intuition is to be trusted? Gary Klein's research has provided a basis on which to establish how expert intuition, also known as naturalistic decision making, works at its best, which it does according to a recognition-primed decision model. One of his studies examined the thought process of experienced fireground commanders, the leaders of firefighter teams. One finding was that fireground commanders do not only consider a small number of options in deciding how to approach a firefighting situation; they tend to consider only one option. When presented with a situation, the commander was observed to think of one option spontaneously and then mentally simulate acting on that proposed course of action to see whether it would work. More specifically, Klein formulated the recognition-primed decision model as occurring in two steps. In the first step, a tentative plan comes to the mind of the expert by an automatic function of associative memory; the situation provides one or more clues recognized by the expert. Second, the plan is mentally simulated to see whether it will work. When, then, can expert intuition be tested? Klein's model implies that the successful application of expert intuition will be limited to circumstances in which situational clues are reproduced and can be recognized over time. Situational regularity and individual memory are critical components of success. Reliable intuition is primarily — and, arguably, nothing more than — recognition. By this somewhat controversial inference, intuition is essentially memory. Consequently, all cases in which we might anticipate expert intuition to be valid are not equally conquerable by this faculty. Some environments may not be sufficiently regular to be predictable, and, of course, even in regular environments, the presumed expert must draw on a sufficient depth of practice. We can conclude, for example, that if a dedicated stock picker is to make judgments as skilled as those of a dedicated chess player, that person will do so not by relying primarily on intuition. One might note that, with or without intuition, it is incumbent on any true expert to know the limits of his or her knowledge. p>

Ready4

<p class="ng-scope"> Billions of people in the world suffer from water scarcity. The problem is not a lack of suitable water in the world; it is an uneven distribution of that water—an uneven distribution, to be more exact, of the resources and facilities needed to manage water, as well as the natural sources of water themselves. It has been estimated that a billion people lack access to potable water, and 2.4 billion lack access to the basic sanitation that is necessary for basic water usage. In the case of the domestic shortage of water, which is small in demand relative to commercial uses of water, the problem is not so much that there are no water resources, but that those without water lack the political and financial capital to access that water. Granted, natural forces do play a role. In regions of need, terrestrial water resources may be distributed quite unevenly, leaving large populations at great distances without such sources, and rainwater may fall only sporadically throughout the course of a given year. In such regions, making water accessible is costlier and may require considerable investment in infrastructure. I would like to propose a radical measure to address water shortage, especially in African countries. I suggest that multinational soft drink companies be given incentives to enter the countries afflicted by water shortage and invest in the development of the water infrastructure. This proposal is not as absurd as it may first sound. First of all, most major soft drink companies nowadays are also in the business of selling bottled water; they have expertise in purification and other relevant knowledge areas. Second, the soft drink industry is among the very first industries to penetrate and profit in emerging markets, because of the general appeal and low price of their product. Moreover, the more a given economy develops, the more that particular soft drink provider stands to profit. In other words, soft drink companies have both the capability to help and some interest to operate in a given country that needs assistance. You may object that soft drink companies already would have entered a country to help if they had seen benefit in doing so. That critique may be true, but it does not necessarily mean that a company could not be driven to action through direct financial incentives, partial ownership of constructed infrastructure, assistance from international organizations and pressure from more developed neighboring countries in which that company already has an entrenched interest. Moreover, to the criticism that infrastructure building is the work of governments, not companies, there is a valid response: partnerships between governments and corporations have thrived for centuries in major projects and could benefit both the people and involved corporations in this case, as well.p>

Ready4

<p class="ng-scope"> Fishing is a profession that faces two major problems. First, it is extremely difficult to make a decent living as a fisherman. Fluctuating market prices and unpredictable weather conditions, not to mention climate change, make the occupation inherently unstable. Yet some protected marine animals, most notably sharks, are worth massive sums in certain markets. The fishermen who are willing to illegally catch these animals are some of the only fishermen with relative financial stability. I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that would in one fell swoop increase financial stability for many fishermen and severely cut into the black market in shark cartilage and meat. I would propose that the government sponsor a project to find a shark species that is suitable to farming, and then train fishermen to open and operate farms that raise those sharks for their lucrative commodities. This scheme would give struggling fishermen a stable, profitable alternative to trawling for ever-lessening schools of commonly sold fish like cod and salmon. At the same time, the unregulated black market would lose its monopoly on shark products. You might object that fishermen aren't farmers or that the international black market in a given commodity is not our concern. I agree. We should not ask fishermen to do this work if they don't care to, and we should not try to farm sharks solely to eliminate a black market in their products. But, you might argue, fish farming has many inherent issues and, by providing shark products, we are condoning the capture of wild sharks. And here, we part ways. Fish farming is only problematic when it is undertaken irresponsibly, and there is a marked difference between farmed marine commodities and those that are obtained by poaching. Our current thinking about sharks is limited to (often endangered) wild sharks, because no species has been found that is suitable for farming. The image that comes to mind when we think about shark products is one of a poacher slicing off a shark's fins and dumping the helpless animal back in the water to die. This limits our ability to think creatively about the animal itself and its value to the world economy. If we could farm sharks to relatively large sizes, say, five or six feet, then (in addition to, of course, not hunting wild sharks) we could generate a significant amount of income for struggling fishermen: sharks' fins, jaws, meat and skin are all worth significant amounts in markets around the world. It would be unrealistic to suggest that shark poaching would end entirely if this plan were undertaken. But the demand for the illicit product would be significantly reduced. Who would want a fin torn from a wild shark in an unknown state of health and under inhumane conditions when another was available from a healthy, safe, well-documented stable of sustainably harvested animals?p>

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<p style="text-align: center;">

p><p>The dots on the graph above indicate sale prices (in thousands of dollars) and living area (in square feet) of the most recent 25 home sales in a certain town. How many homes that sold for more than $600,000 had living areas that were less than 3,000 square feet?p>

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<p>If

x = \frac{2}{y}

$x = 2 y$ and

y = \frac{z}{2}

$y = z 2$ , is

(\frac{z}{3} + \frac{y}{2} + 3 x)

$( z 3 + y 2 + 3 x )$ divisible by 5?p> <p>(1) z = 3p> <p>(2)

y = \frac{3}{2}

$y = 3 2$ p>

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	City $A$	City $B$	City $C$	City $D$	City $E$	City $F$
City $A$		X	X	X	X	X
City $B$	X		X	X	X	X
City $C$	X			X	X	X
City $D$	X				X	X
City $E$	X					X
City $F$	X

<p>Each X in the frequent flyer table above represents an entry indicating the number of frequent flyer miles earned for flying one way between a pair of cities on a particular airline. As part of a promotion, the airline awards an additional 500 frequent flyer miles for all flights originating from City $A$ . If the table were extended to represent the frequent flyer miles for flying between all pairs of 20 cities on the airline and each frequent flyer mile award were to be represented by only one entry, how many entries would the table then have?p>

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<p>A bag holds 12 balls, each of which is colored white, black, gray, or green. If a person is to select a ball randomly from the bag, is the probability less than

\frac{1}{2}

$1 2$ that the ball selected will be either white or green?p>

The probability that the person will select a gray ball is $\frac{1}{3}$ $1 3$ .
The probability that the person will select a green ball is $\frac{1}{6}$ $1 6$ .

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