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Ready4

     In eighteenth-century Britain, industrial production and domestic consumption of cheap goods rose precipitously. To understand both the cultural causes and impacts of this trend, historians have increasingly turned to analysis of its incipience in the seventeenth century. According to this method, evidence from material culture—the mass of objects that makes up the setting and the tools of a people's everyday lives—demonstrates that seemingly smaller, slower changes to people's goods and their attitudes about them laid the groundwork for the rapid and sweeping change that followed. The availability of extremely cheap tobacco pipes and sewing thimbles, for example, made these the first truly disposable goods to be widely consumed in Britain. Moreover, households began to change shape as fireplaces and cookware came to accomodate the warmer, more convenient coal that began to replace wood as fuel.

     However, there were new additions to British material culture that can be properly assigned to the eighteenth century. In one example, the widespread acceptance of conspicuous consumption outside of London was slow to materialize. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, excessive material wealth and especially gaudy displays of it were considered to be not only uncouth but also immoral; as average household wealth increased and goods became more widely available throughout the country, consumption for its own sake became normalized in every region.
Ready4

In the figure above, if the area of square region B is 4, what is the area of triangular region D?

  1. The area of square region C is 9.
  2. The area of square region A is 13.
The new school of political history that emerged in the 1960's and 1970's sought to go beyond the traditional focus of political historians on leaders and government institutions by examining directly the political practices of ordinary citizens. Like the old approach, however, this new approach excluded women. The very techniques these historians used to uncover mass political behavior in the nineteenth century United States - quantitative analyses of election returns, for example--were useless in analyzing the political activities of women, who were denied the vote until 1920.By redefining "political activity", historian Paula Baker has developed a political history that includes women. She concludes that among ordinary citizens, political activism by women in the nineteenth century prefigured trends in twentieth century politics. Defining "politics" as "any action taken to affect the course of behavior of government or of the community", Baker concludes that, while voting and holding office were restricted to men, women in the nineteenth century organized themselves into societies committed to social issues such as temperance and poverty. In other words, Baker contends, women activists were early practitioners of nonpartisan, issue oriented politics and thus were more interested in enlisting lawmakers, regardless of their party affiliation, on behalf of certain issues than in ensuring that one party another won an election. In the twentieth century, more men drew closer to women's ideas about politics and took up modes of issue oriented politics that Baker sees women as having pioneered.
In 1994, a team of scientists led by David Mckay began studying the meteorite ALH84001, which had been discovered in Antarctica in 1984. Two years later, the McKay team announced that ALH84001, which scientists generally agree originated on Mars, contained compelling evidence that life once existed on Mars. This evidence includes the discovery of organic molecules in ALH84001, the first ever found in Martian rock. Organic molecules-complex, carbon-based compounds-form the basis for terrestrial life. The organic molecules found in ALH84001 are polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, or PAH's. When microbes die, their organic material often decays into PAH's.Skepticism about the McKay team's claim remains, however. For example, ALH84001 has been on earth for 13,000 years, suggesting to some scientists that its PAH's might have resulted from terrestrial contamination. However, McKay's team has demonstrated that the concentration of PAH's increases as one looks deeper into ALH84001, contrary to what one would expect from terrestrial contamination. The skeptic's strongest argument, however, is that processes unrelated to organic life can easily produce all the evidence found by McKay' steam, including PAH's. For example, star formation produces PAH's. Moreover, PAH's frequently appear in other meteorites, and no one attributes their presence to life processes. Yet McKay's team notes that the particular combination of PAH's in ALH84001 is more similar to the combinations produced by decaying organisms than to those originating form nonbiological processes.
Grassland songbirds often nest in the same grassland-wetland complexes as waterfowl, particularly in a certain part of those complexes, namely, upland habitats surrounding wetlands. Although some wildlife management procedures directed at waterfowl, such as habitat enhancement or restoration, may also benefit songbirds , the impact of others, especially the control of waterfowl predators, remains difficult to predict. For example, most predators of waterfowl nests prey opportunistically on songbird nests, and removing these predators could directly increase songbird nesting success. Alternatively, small mammals such as mice and ground squirrels are important in the diet of many waterfowl-nest predators and can themselves be important predators of songbird nets. Thus. Removing waterfowl-nest predators could affect songbird nesting success through subsequent increases in small-mammal populations.In 1995 and 1996, researchers trapped and removed certain waterfowlnest predators. primary raccoons and striped skunks, then observed subsequent survival rates for songbird nests. Surprisingly. They observed no significant effect on songbird nesting success. This may be due to several factors. [hl:2]Neither raccoons nor striped skunks consume ground squirrels, which are important predators of songbird nests.[/hl:2] Thus, their removal may not have led to significant increases in populations of smaller predators. Additionally, both raccoons and striped skunks prefer wetlands and spend little time in upland habitats; removing these species may not have increased the nesting success of songbirds in the uplands enough to allow detection.
Ready4

A rectangular quilt is shown above. The width of the quilt is feet and the quilt's border has uniform width. What are the dimensions of the quilt?

(1) The area of the border is square feet.

(2) The perimeter of the inner rectangle is feet.
This passage is excerpted from material published in 1997. Scientists have been puzzled by the seeming disparity between models of global warming based on greenhouse gas emissions and actual climatological data. In short, the world is not warming up as much as these models have predicted. In the early 1990s, Pat Michaels sought to explain this disparity, suggesting that sulfate emissions in industrial areas had a cooling effect, thus temporarily retarding global warming. Michaels later came to doubt this idea, however, pointing out that since most sulfate is emitted in the Northern Hemisphere, its cooling influence should be largely limited to that hemisphere. Yet, since 1987, warming in the Southern Hemisphere, which had been relatively intense, has virtually ceased, while warming in the north has accelerated. Thus, Michaels not only doubted the idea of sulfate cooling, but came to feel that global warming models themselves may be flawed.Ben Santer disagrees. Santer contends that, in general, global warming occurs more slowly in the south because this hemisphere is dominated by oceans, which warm more slowly than the landmasses that dominate the Northern Hemisphere. But, according to Santer, the situation remains complicated by sulfate cooling, which peaked in the north in the mid-twentieth century. It drastically slowed warming in the Northern Hemisphere, and warming in the Southern Hemisphere raced ahead. Since 1987, Santer argues, the greenhouse effect has reasserted itself, and the north has taken the lead. Thus, Santer disputes Michaels's claim that model predictions and observed data differ fundamentally.
Ready4

The figure above represents a circular patch of grass, with its center at , surrounded by a circular track that is yards wide. What is the area of the track, in square yards?
Ready4

In the triangle above, does ?

(1)

(2)

This passage is excerpted from material published in 1997. Scientists have been puzzled by the seeming disparity between models of global warming based on greenhouse gas emissions and actual climatological data. In short, the world is not warming up as much as these models have predicted. In the early 1990s, Pat Michaels sought to explain this disparity, suggesting that sulfate emissions in industrial areas had a cooling effect, thus temporarily retarding global warming. Michaels later came to doubt this idea, however, pointing out that since most sulfate is emitted in the Northern Hemisphere, its cooling influence should be largely limited to that hemisphere. Yet, since 1987, warming in the Southern Hemisphere, which had been relatively intense, has virtually ceased, while warming in the north has accelerated. Thus, Michaels not only doubted the idea of sulfate cooling, but came to feel that global warming models themselves may be flawed. Ben Santer disagrees. Santer contends that, in general, global warming occurs more slowly in the south because this hemisphere is dominated by oceans, which warm more slowly than the landmasses that dominate the Northern Hemisphere. But, according to Santer, the situation remains complicated by sulfate cooling, which peaked in the north in the mid-twentieth century. It drastically slowed warming in the Northern Hemisphere, and warming in the Southern Hemisphere raced ahead . Since 1987, Santer argues, the greenhouse effect has reasserted itself, and the north has taken the lead. Thus, Santer disputes Michaels's claim that model predictions and observed data differ fundamentally.
Ready4

     One strain of historical thought that achieved popularity in the 1950s forwarded the notion that immigration - more than the frontier experience, or any other specific event or factor - had been and continued to be the defining element of United States history. In this depiction, the 30 million immigrants who entered the country between 1820 and 1900 had common experiences regardless of their national, religion, or race: namely, in experiencing hardship and alienation, they themselves changed, but they also carried on the development of the nation itself.      Both casual and formal students of history should, however, be careful in equating the experiences of different groups of immigrants, especially under the somewhat blurring concept of "hardship." The description that all immigrants experienced hardship and immigration fails to account properly for the fact that in the 17th and 18th century millions of Africans were forcibly shipped to the United States and sold into slavery. While this group of people should not be excluded from any full reckoning of the nation's migrants, its alienation and hardship was of a substantially different character from that of the other populations, who migrated more willingly and independently and who arrived under and lived in vastly different conditions. If it is, indeed, the degree of hardship and alienation experienced by the different groups of our nation's migrants that have above all shaped both themselves and their nation, then to ignore these distinctions would be to distort an important element of what our nation has been shaped to be.    
Ready4

In the rectangular coordinate system above, if the area of \triangle RST is 3 times the area of \triangle PQR, what are the coordinates of point T?

(1) PQ=\tfrac{2}{3}QR

(2) QR=RS
Ready4

The inside of a rectangular carton is centimeters long, centimeters wide, and centimeters high. The carton is filled to capacity with identical cylindrical cans of vegetables that stand upright in rows and columns, as indicated in the figure above. If the cans are centimeters high, what is the value of ?

(1) Each of the cans has a volume of cubic centimeters.

(2) The area of the base of the rectangular carton is square centimeters.
Ready4

In the figure above, the coordinates of point A could be which of the following?
Ready4

The inside of a rectangular carton is inches long, inches wide, and inches high. The carton is filled to capacity with identical cylindrical cans of soda that stand upright in rows and columns, as indicated in the figure above. If the cans are inches high, what is the value of ?

(1) Each of the cans has a radius of inches.

(2) Six of the cans fit exactly along the length of the carton.
Ready4

The inside of a rectangular carton is centimeters long, centimeters wide, and centimeters high. The carton is filled to capacity with identical cylindrical cans of tomato paste that stand upright in rows and columns, as indicated in the figure above. If the cans are centimeters high, what is the value of ?

(1) Each of the cans has a radius of centimeters.

(2) Seven of the cans fit exactly along the width of the carton.
Ready4

The shaded portion of the rectangle shown above represents the area of a forest on a map. If the area of the forest is 30 square kilometers and , then equals
Ready4

The figure above represents a circular fountain surrounded by a circular walkway. The distance across the fountain is feet. The distance across the fountain and the walkway is feet. What is the area of the walkway, in square feet?
Arboria is floundering in the global marketplace, incurring devastating losses in market position and profits. The problem is not Arboria's products, but Arboria's trade policy. Arboria faces the prospect of continuing economic loss until Arborian business and political leaders recognize the fundamental differences between Arborian and foreign economic systems. Today the key trade issue is not free trade versus protectionism but diminishing trade versus expanding trade. Arboria is operating with an obsolete trade policy, an artifact of the mid-1940s when Arboria and Whorfland dominated the global economy, tariffs were the principal obstacle to trade, and Arborian supremacy was uncontested in virtually all industries. In the intervening decades, economic circumstances have shifted radically. Arborian trade policy has not. Today, Arboria's trade policy seems paralyzed by the relentless conflict between proponents of "free" and "fair" trade. The free traders argue that Arborian markets should be open, and the movement of goods and services across national borders unrestrained. The fair traders assert that access to Arborian markets should be restricted until Arborian businesses are granted equal access to foreign markets. They contend that free trade is impossible while other nations erect barriers to Arborian exports. Both are correct: fair trade requires equal access and equal access leads to free trade. But both sides base their positions on the same two outdated premises: 1. Global commerce is conducted under the terms of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and dominated by Arboria and similar economicsystems abroad. 2. Multilateral negotiations are the most effective way to resolve pressing trade issues. Both assumptions are wrong. The 40-year-old GATT now covers less than 7 percent of global commerce. World trade is no longer dominated by the freetrade economies; nearly 75 percent is conducted by economic systems operating with principles at odds with those of Arboria. Forging a multilateral trade policy consensus among so many diverse economic systems has become virtually impossible. And while multilateral talks drag on, Arboria misses opportunities for trade expansion.
Historians of women's labor in the United States at firstlargely disregarded the story of female service workers-women earning wages in occupations such as salesclerk.domestic servant, and office secretary. These historiansfocused instead on factory work, primarily because itseemed so different from traditional, unpaid "women'swork" in the home, and because the underlying economicforces of industrialism were presumed to be gender-blindand hence emancipatory in effect. Unfortunately, emancipation has been less profound than expected, for not evenindustrial wage labor has escaped continued sex segregation in the workplace.To explain this unfinished revolution in the status ofwomen, historians have recently begun to emphasize theway a prevailing definition of femininity often eterminesthe kinds of work allocated to women, even when suchallocation is inappropriate to new conditions. For instance,early textile-mill entrepreneurs, in justifying women'semployment in wage labor, made much of the assumptionthat women were by nature skillful at detailed tasks andpatient in carrying out repetitive chores; the mill ownersthus imported into the new industrial order hoary stereotypes associated with the homemaking activities theypresumed to have been the purview of women. Becausewomen accepted the more unattractive new industrial tasksmore readily than did men, such jobs came to be regardedas female jobs.And employers, who assumed that women's"real" aspirations were for marriage and family life.declined to pay women wages commensurate with those ofmen. Thus many lower-skilled, lower-paid, less secure jobscame to be perceived as "female."More remarkable than the origin has been the persistenceof such sex segregation in twentieth-century industry. Oncean occupation came to be perceived as "female." employersshowed surprisingly little interest in changing that percep-tion, even when higher profits beckoned. And despite theurgent need of the United States during the Second World Warto mobilize its human resources fully, job segregation by sexcharacterized even the most importantwar industries. Moreover, once the war ended, employersquickly returned to men most of the "male" jobs thatwomen had been permitted to master.